« Back to Volumes list

Discourses and Strategies of the Global Far Right, Vol. 32 - 2025, No. 1

, pages: 1-18[open access]

The spread of hateful disinformation and the domestication of new technologies have been implicated in off-screen discrimination, lynch mobs, mass shootings and the rise of far right governments worldwide. Yet many have been reluctant to name these entrenched communicative strategies of disinformation and dehumanisation as fascist, particularly when discussing non-western contexts. This raises questions about how the narratives, semiotics and aesthetics of these media operate. In this paper, I discuss the comparative visual research methods which can be used to support a plausible case about the role of texts such as WhatsApp messages, posters, films, documentaries, websites, star endorsements and political advertising in the politics of fascism in India. Most particularly, I explore the methodological promises of the notion of “intertextuality”. In doing so, I use examples from two decades of research on visual cultures of Hindutva fascism in India, paying attention to the colour saffron, the furore around an Indian actress’ participation in the Netflix series Quantico, and the use fascist fantasy, myth and disinformation in memes and profile pictures. Using sociological and historical evidence as critical media education, the conclusion sums up the best uses of audiovisual analytic methods in the fight to recognise fascist tropes originating outside Europe and North America.

Full text (PDF/ePub) | Export Reference | Link to this article

, pages: 19-32[open access]

While government crackdown on far-right groups that did not align with the Kremlin following the annexation of Crimea resulted in several waves of fragmentation, the Russian far-right has maintained notable characteristics that are significant in the context of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine since 2022. For instance, unlike most far-right groups in the US and Europe, the Russian far-right often co-opts Islamist ideology in their anti-Western attitude. The anti-Western discourse within the movement is also varied, with particular attention to its apprehension toward perceived threats such as “Geyropa” (i.e. Gay Europe), evolving ethical norms, and feminism. While there has been a shift to the right in the Russian state rhetoric, some aspects of the far-right discourse still remain illegal within the Russian public space, so the main “digital public square” has moved to Telegram with some smaller communities remaining on VKontakte. By scrutinising the far-right debates online, this article provides a comprehensive understanding of far-right movements in Russia, contributing to the broader discourse on far-right ideologies and their global manifestations, especially in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine.

Full text (PDF/ePub) | Export Reference | Link to this article

, pages: 33-50[open access]

On January 6, 2021, a social media post by Donald Trump became a driver for the violent storming of the US Capitol. The attack fuelled discussions about social media’s role in political polarisation and extremism and raised questions about how platforms should be governed. Multiple social media platforms were used to mobilise activists for the Capitol attack. By drawing on findings from investigations and the January 6 congressional report, this paper examines how platform-specific design, features, and policies influenced their use in the mobilisation of January 6. Consensus mobilisation, the process of convincing people that action is necessary, primarily took place on platforms with open network structures and algorithmic filtering. In contrast, more private messaging apps and platforms with minimal moderation were used more for action mobilisation: the organisation and planning of the attack. These findings stress the importance of considering variations in the design of social media platforms to better understand political mobilisation.

Full text (PDF/ePub) | Export Reference | Link to this article

, pages: 51-75[open access]

Within the dominant framing of geopolitics as a democratic-authoritarian binary, scholarship on anti-authoritarian movements in non-democratic contexts such as Hong Kong often adopts familiar tropes. These include depictions of progressiveness, pro-civicness, and a bottom-up yearning for egalitarian freedom. Hong Kong, in particular, is positioned as a democratic West-loving bulwark against authoritarian China. This paper explores how, aside from groups that use notions of democracy in good-faith, these liberal tropes form a deliberate communicative strategy that subsumes racist, xenophobic, and misogynistic discourses. Using historical and sociological scholarship, I trace how anti-Chinese and colonially nostalgic worldviews are woven into certain local Hong Kong subjectivities, against the backdrop of its historical relationships with the Chinese state and Britain. I analyse the (re)fashioning of right-wing ideas within ethnocratic localism during and after the 2019 Anti-Extradition Movement (Anti-ELAB). Embedded within ethnocratic sentiments are linkages to global reactionary discourses, denouncing a West weakened by progressive politics. Using audiovisual analytic methods, this paper examines textual examples from forum threads, including memes, video clips and discussions, highlighting the affective use of indirect violence. This paper concludes by demonstrating how intra-movement solidarity is weaponised by right-wing facets to silence internal dissent, reinforcing what proves to be an illusory democratic-authoritarian dichotomy.

Full text (PDF/ePub) | Export Reference | Link to this article

, pages: 76-91

Political leaders articulate the language and ideology of populism to drum up support from their envisioned publics. But as populist politics is embodied in different ways, it is imperative that we account for the changing facets of populism that can shape the relationship between media and politics. The article will examine the way populism is enacted by Philippine leaders with durable political personalities. The argument is that the performance of populism is a contentious process of claim making that impacts media and democracy, one that involves a host of factors such as the rhetoric and ties of the leader with the media. The case of Rodrigo Duterte highlights rightwing, exclusionary populism and vestiges of anti-Americanism in a networked environment. Joseph Estrada’s hybrid populism reflects the rightwing and leftwing traces of populist politics mainly through film. Corazon Aquino’s pro-people power style is a centrist variant of populism that identifies with the urban population through print and broadcast media. And, Ramon Magsaysay’s pro-ordinary style is likewise a centrist variant of populism but one that draws support from the local barrio residents through direct campaigning. The styles of mediated populism can safeguard as much as endanger the tenets of democratic politics.

Full text (available at Taylor & Francis) | Export Reference | Link to this article

, , pages: 92-114

This article examines how far-right political influencers in Spain utilise hate speech and divisive rhetoric on social media to foster violence and intensify political polarisation. Focusing on six Vox politicians and the official Vox party accounts on X (formerly Twitter) and Instagram during Madrid’s regional elections, the study analyses their strategies for framing opponents and various social groups through dehumanisation, metaphorical language, and visual imagery. By combining discourse analysis and grounded theory, the research identifies mechanisms used to legitimise hostility while increasing personal and political visibility. The findings reveal that, although the levels of violence in these influencers’ discourse are less overt than in closed or anonymous channels, their rhetoric still contributes to a performative polarisation that deepens social divisions and undermines democratic discourse. This study sheds light on the role of political influencers in amplifying and normalising far-right ideologies and underscores the importance of understanding how digital platforms facilitate the spread of hate speech and political extremism.

Full text (available at Taylor & Francis) | Export Reference | Link to this article

, , pages: 115-139

AI-generated visuals are increasingly used in political campaigns to shape public perception, yet how they construct political personas and engage audiences remains underexplored. This study examines how the ideologically aligned online use of AI-generated images during Donald Trump's 2024 presidential campaign constructs a superhuman persona for him and provokes diverse audience responses. Employing a mixed-method approach, we conducted a visual rhetoric analysis to explore the symbolic and narrative strategies embedded in these visuals and a thematic analysis of social media posts and comments guided by the reception theory and participatory culture theory. Our findings reveal several key themes and rhetorical strategies in such visuals including the use of metaphors, symbolism, and colours to craft a powerful and mythic image of Trump while audience responses range from supportive reinterpretations to oppositional critiques. Additionally, participatory practices such as sharing and remixing were found to amplify these polarised narratives. This study contributes to understanding the dual role of AI-generated content in political messaging and its potential to reinforce ideological divides.

Full text (available at Taylor & Francis) | Export Reference | Link to this article

« Back to Volumes list